| People's History of the United States: 1492 to Present (P.S.)
Publisher: Harper Perennial Modern Classics |
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| ISBN: 0060838655 List Price: $18.95 Amazon Price: $12.32 Usually ships in 24 hours |
Avg Cusomer Rating: 1 Reviews: Summary: The Leftist Revisionist Lies Your Child is Learning in High School This is NOT a book that should ever be used in the classroom setting. While well written, it should be noted that classrooms across America are being subjected to this nonsense. Howard Zinn is entitled to his own opinions. This is America, and therefore we do have freedom of speech. That is what makes this book and its author even more pathetic. Howard Zinn essentially attacks the nation that allows him to express his opinion in the first place. Zinn apparently believes that any war, no matter what the reason, is wrong. Zinn's chapter on WW2 is particularly pathetic. Zinn can't actually bring himself to say that the war was wrong because we were attacked and because if we hadn't gone to war there would be fewer Jews in Europe than there are black people in Canada. Instead he implies that we went to war for "the wrong reasons." Who cares what the reasons are? We saved the entire Jewish population from absolute extermination! But, uh oh, we went to war for the wrong reasons. Maybe if Zinn were a Jew in Germany in 1944 he would think a little differently. If you are the kind of person who puts Michael Moore on a pedastal then this book is for you. If you are conservative, or even a rational moderate like I am, then you can pass on this revisionist history of the U.S. Howard Zinn doesn't care about the truth, only his own twisted anti-american agenda. I will end this with a question: What will happen to a country when its own people care so little for it? Summary: " A selected history of the United States' faults from 1776-present" This book was assigned to me in an American History class in HIGH SCHOOL. Let me tell you a little something about the history that we learned from this fairy tale: The Civil war, Spanish-American war, WWI, WWII, Korea, Vietnam, and the present war on terror are all wrong and we are not going to examine any part of these stories except why they are wrong and how they have no redeamable qualities whatsoever. However, the anarchists, communists, and all other radical, left-wing movements are really not that bad and we should listen to what they have to say before condeming them. Wars are not the only thing attacked: Religion and anything value oriented are horrible weapons of the Right and anything that they do is to be attacked and critiqued to no end. However, the left-wing terrorist groups like the weather underground, and radical native americans are to be lifted on our shoulders as the heroes that they really are for bringing to our eyes just how wrong our country is for having values. Speaking of heroes, several people after reading this book have said that the draft-dodgers, and war protestors are more worthy heroes then the soldiers who went to war when their country asked and did their duty. This book made me sick and if it weren't for the fact that this book is fairy tale, I would go to a hospital right now. Summary: People's History of the United States: 1492 to Present A People's History presents an alternative view to the average American history text. A thought provoking exploration of ideology and collective "spins". Historical events are viewed from the perspective of native peoples and the underprivileged. Mr. Zinn seems to support a socialist philosophy and is critical of capitalism and imperialism. Parts of history that are often mentioned but downplayed by traditional historical accounts are presented with alternative interpretation. A few examples are the treatment of Native Americans, the slave trade, and the increasing gap between the rich and the poor. One may not agree with Mr. Zinn but he presents a great source for debate. Summary: |
| Failed States: The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy
Publisher: Metropolitan Books |
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| ISBN: 0805079122 List Price: $24.00 Amazon Price: $16.32 Usually ships in 24 hours |
Avg Cusomer Rating: 5 Reviews: Summary: The American Empire! It's time to get honest about the unfortunate direction that United States foreign policy has gone in the post-WWII era. It is no exaggeration to say that U.S. policy seeks to completely dominate the world, as no other imperialist power ever has. "Right now our government is doing things we think only other countries do." Chomsky once again summarizes U.S. abuse of power masterfully and makes it clear that U.S. policy is making the world a much more dangerous place. The U.S. government makes enemies around the globe and then seeks to wage war against them with a doctrine of preemptive war. Constant propaganda keeps most of the American public unaware of the atrocities committed in the name of freedom and democracy. The so-called axis of evil, rogue states, failed states and terrorist organizations are not ignorant of the hypocrisy that has plagued U.S. foreign policy for decades. Israel is allowed to possess scores of nuclear weapons with not so much as a scolding from Washington, while Iran and North Korea are treated as evil terrorist states for possibly having or attempting to build nuclear weapons. The double-standard must end if there is any hope for lasting peace in this world. As Woodrow Wilson said, "Only a peace between equals can last." U.S. hegemony is forming a world that is heading straight for WWIII. Summary: Intensely authoritative, well-crafted Noam Chomsky's "Failed States" reflects the thinking of so many Americans these days....the United States is in trouble and we know it. With a sternly worded narrative, Chomsky delivers a message that is straightforward and well documented. Given the current crisis in the Middle East and the residual problems on the domestic front, "Failed States" could not be more timely. It is without doubt the best book of the year. Covering a period largely from the end of the Second World War to present, Chomsky begins with an assessment of what makes a "failed state". Among other things he declares that a failed state is one that has an "inability or unwillingness to protect (its) citizens from violence or perhaps even destruction". That statement alone is enough to question the Bush administration's so-called "war on terror" which, as the author concludes, has only caused more terror. Violence begets violence, as he rightly says. Chomsky's second characteristic of a failed state is one that is impervious to international law. Certainly in the past five years, to say the least, the United States has arrogantly sought to circumvent these laws and it leads to his third point...a sense by some Americans to think that we, as a nation, somehow own the moral high ground and should "spread our message" around the world. "Pshaw" says Chomsky and I couldn't agree more. The inherent dangers of this kind of thinking are evident in our decreased international standing and our increasing divisions here at home. For those Pollyannas who think that America's best days are ahead of us, "Failed States" will sober them up fast. Written in a detached and unemotional manner, Chomsky zeroes in on other failed states of the past and the present. The usual suspects abound....Nazi Germany, Stalinist Russia, Japan, etc., but he targets the present day US allies with equal force. The UK and Israel are tops on the list and if there ever was a time that the relevance of his arguments have borne fruit, look at today's Lebanon. While Chomsky's book (in this area) is related more to Israel and its treatment of the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, had he been writing at this moment, the Israeli incursions into Lebanon no doubt would have been added. The term "historical memory" is as apt as any in the book and it is always a wonder (though not really) why failed states tend to repeat the mistakes of their past. Though no student of history, Bush II might have looked to others for advice before plowing ahead into Iraq, but uncurious as he is and surrounded by people who don't give a damn, it's no wonder the United States is in such a mess. The emperor has no clothes and is missing a few other things as well. Chomsky is at his best when he offers up the first of two chapters on democracy...."Democracy Promotion Abroad". The notion that the United States would somehow spread democracy to the Middle East has to be one of the most laughable ideas ever presented in a serious vein. Yet there was the president trying to sell it after the supposed WMDs weren't found. Funny we don't hear too much of that anymore. The author's finest hour comes with his chapter about "Democracy Promotion At Home". Here he brings the internal combustion of the current United States into the forefront. His assessments that business has never been more closely associated with politics than it is today and that the country's wishes are the exact OPPOSITE of public policy couldn't ring truer. When the United States fails in the end it will have collapsed from within as Chomsky might very well agree. "Failed States" contains so much about which to think that it should be absorbed with great care. It is a tour de force...a book that reaches not so stunning conclusions by revealing the very facts that have needed assemblage under one cover. I thank Noam Chomsky for his wonderful landmark contribution. Summary: Shines a Deeply Troubling Light on American Democracy and Policies In FAILED STATES, Noam Chomsky proposes the notion that the United States, by virtue of its policies particularly under Ronald Reagan and increasingly under Bush II, is rapidly gravitating toward being a "rogue nation." That is, a nation that disregards international law, treaties, and organizations, disregards the principals of universality except when its own interest, attacks other countries preemptively and without clear cause, militarizes at the risk of other nations, supports repressive regimes and intervenes to overthrow democratically elected governments, and generally fails to safeguard the well-being of its own people. The indictment is harsh, but the historical and documentary evidence is indisputable (at least among those outside the United States). U.S. disregard and explicit violation of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, combined with its clearly signaled intent to weaponize and control outer space, encourages others to follow the nuclear armament path. In so doing, America has become the primary motive force in actions that could lead deliberately or inadvertently to a nuclear Armageddon. That the U.S. is now regarded by most of the industrial world as the single greatest threat to world peace, that it is the object of hatred in South and Central America and the Arab world, that even Canada and Mexico are severely at odds with it, demonstrate convincingly that Chomsky's thesis is largely correct. With regard to international relations, Professor Chomsky argues that the U.S. policy goal of "spreading democracy" has, since at least the time of Woodrow Wilson, been a complete and utter sham. Time and again, the historical record clearly demonstrates that American tolerance of democracy has been predicated on the "right" outcomes of elections. In cases ranging from Mossadegh to Aristede to Chavez, the "wrong" outcome (even when the result is clearly the will of the electorate in internationally monitored elections) has led the U.S. to reject the results, declare the election invalid, or seek (and frequently cause) the violent overthrow of a popularly elected government. Democracy projection in the American government view is the desired goal only when the same American government can guarantee (and correspondingly control) the winner. The consequence of such actions has been the backing of repressive, reactionary, dictatorial regimes and policies (such as the IMF-backed, neo-liberal free market initiatives that have destroyed the economies of one country after another) that have made the U.S. an object of near-universal hatred among Third World peoples, what Chomsky refers to as "the unpeople." From this viewpoint, seen from outside the American cultural and media cocoon, the actions of Iraqi insurgents and even Osama bin-Laden take on a certain retaliatory logic. On the domestic front, internal promotion of democracy is nonexistent. American Presidential elections are meaningless, as are the non-debates that accompany them. Congress is an embedded society where incumbency is a virtual guarantee of continued incumbency, where business and lobbyists control every agenda and legislative initiative, and where little more than lip service is given to the issues and policy desires of the public. How else to explain a governmental system that (directly against overwhelming public opinion as measured repeatedly in surveys) refuses to recognize the International Criminal Court and World Court, rejects the Kyoto protocols, belittles the United Nations as irrelevant, uses military rather than diplomatic and economic measures in the so-called (and conveniently never-ending) "war on terror," resorts to preemptive war, cuts funding for education and guaranteed health care, and focuses on "values" issues like gay marriage and flag burning instead of education, employment, economic growth, and social welfare. In many instances, the U.S. stands virtually alone in the world in its positions, often being the only non-signatory or dissenter in As Chomsky clearly delineates, even the Bush II Administration's repeated concerns over protecting Americans from the "threat" of terrorism are little more than lip service put to use during election cycles and to justify programs and actions that the populace would otherwise never tolerate. Those who would put off Chomsky's arguments as those of a left-wing crank will find it difficult to refute the numerous other authors he cites to support his arguments, as well as published studies and statistics. Even more convincingly, he uses people's own words to bolster his case. Consider, for example, his citation of Condoleeza Rice that the U.S. government need not conform to "illusory norms of international behavior" or "adhere to every international convention and agreement someone thinks to impose," even those we've signed. Or John Bolton's declaration that "There is no United Nations. There is an international community that occasionally can be led by the only real power left in the world...when it suits our interests..." Or Henry Kissinger's commentary on the much-reviled Bush doctrine of anticipatory self-defense (which, if announced by China, would be considered an intolerable statement of aggressive intent) that this "revolutionary" doctrine must not be "universalized." The right to use force at will belongs solely and exclusively to the United States alone, or those clients to whom it wishes to delegate such powers. In the final analysis, Professor Chomsky takes to task not only the Reagan and Bush II administrations (and to a lesser degree, Bush I and Clinton), but the American media and the American people. The former are lambasted for their continued unwillingness and failure to inform the public of the truth behind American international and domestic policies, leaving the American people among the world's least well informed as regards the true picture of international affairs and the U.S. role in those events. As for the American people, Chomsky believes that they are largely willing dupes, lulled into electoral apathy or snookered by campaign slogans and engineered PR and too self-centered and intellectually lazy to bother learning the truth . How else to understand a populace that inexplicably re-elects a President virtually all of whose actions and policies run diametrically counter to the wishes of that same populace on issue after issue, as measured time and again in public opinion polls? FAILED STATES is a difficult book to summarize, since Chomsky ranges so far and wide in stating his case that the U.S. is a failing, if not failed, state. However, this book is essential reading for anyone who cares about the U.S. or wonders why most of the rest of the world treats us with contempt tinged with fear. Readers may not agree with everything written in FAILED STATES, and it certainly has its faults (overly polemical at times, prose that is too often unnecessarily dense and dry, lacking in prescriptive recommendations - hence the four stars rather than five). However, those who persevere through this difficult work will finish the experience with a changed perspective on the "myth of American exceptionalism" and profound doubts about its future. Any complete and honest reading of FAILED STATES can only leave you deeply troubled. Summary: |
| Government by the People, Teaching and Learning, Classroom Edition (6th Edition)
Publisher: Prentice Hall |
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| ISBN: 0131930052 List Price: $85.80 Amazon Price: $85.80 Usually ships in 24 hours |
Avg Cusomer Rating: Reviews: Summary: |
| The Broken Branch: How Congress Is Failing America and How to Get It Back on Track (Institutions of American Democracy Series)
Publisher: Oxford University Press, USA |
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| ISBN: 0195174461 List Price: $26.00 Amazon Price: $16.38 Usually ships in 24 hours |
Avg Cusomer Rating: 5 Reviews: Summary: Advance Praise for The Broken Branch "The Constitution makes the legislative branch Article 1. It precedes the presidency and the judiciary by design. Today the legislative branch is too weak, too dysfunctional, and too out of touch with modern times to fulfill its constitutional duties. Mann and Ornstein understand well the glaring gap between the framers' design and today's reality. The Broken Branch is a serious step toward strengthening the Congress and moving America back toward a more stable and safer system." -- Newt Gingrich, Former Speaker of the House "Poll after poll shows a dramatic decline in public esteem for the Congress. In the opinion of many Americans, Republicans and Democrats alike, the institution simply does not work. Tom Mann and Norm Ornstein, two of the nation's very finest Congressional scholars, have shown in sharp, clean prose what has gone wrong and why and refreshingly suggest ways to get the First Branch of government back on track. This book is essential reading for Americans concerned about our country and our government." -- Thomas S. Foley, Former Speaker of the House "Tom Mann and Norm Ornstein have few peers as Congress watchers, but their affection for this very human institution drives their analyses in The Broken Branch as much as their experience. You don't have to agree with every point in their criticism to feel renewed respect for their lifetime of devotion to helping make the people's branch of government a better functioning and more constructive tribune of the public interest." -- U.S. Senator John McCain "This book confirms what many of us have long known. Norm Ornstein and Tom Mann are two extremely admired and knowledgeable students of the United States Congress. It is a 'must-read' not only for Members of Congress, but for all Americans who care about the success of this vital institution of our Republic in these troubled times." -- Tom Daschle, Former Senate Majority Leader "If you have ever worried about the declining influence of Congress in American political life, listen up! This timely book is for you. A first-rate, close up story of congressional problems and institutional decline...historically informed, institutionally sophisticated, told by two of Washington's best informed observers of American politics." -- Richard F. Fenno, Jr., University of Rochester Summary: |
| The Age of Fallibility: Consequences of the War on Terror
Publisher: PublicAffairs |
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| ISBN: 1586483595 List Price: $24.00 Amazon Price: $15.60 Usually ships in 24 hours |
Avg Cusomer Rating: 5 Reviews: Summary: An Important Read This book is for everyone who is concerned about the future state of democracy in the United States. Deeply though out and eloquently written, George Soros proves that he is a man of the future. Summary: The most important book since the bible! All I can say is read the book and educate the children. Summary: Hard Reading, but Worthwhile Soros begins by stating that the main obstacle to a stable and just world order is the U.S. The Bush administration is setting the wrong agenda - nationalistic, emphasizing use of force and ignoring global problems requiring international cooperation. A major underlying cause is that America has become a "fee-good" society, unwilling to face unpleasant reality. Reagan was probably the first "feel-good" President. Soros contends that truth is not as self-evident as the Founding Fathers thought - it can be manipulated. (Other authors make a clear and detailed case on how this is done - eg. Gore's "An Inconvenient Truth," and Mooney's "The Republican War on Science.") The "War on Terror" has become a central focus in a war on truth. Not only does it create more enemies, it has used to justify spying, torture, lying to the public, suspending critical thinking, and centralizing power within the Executive Branch. Soros sees the U.S. economy as stretched to the limit - based on easy credit (eg. low/nothing down) that cannot be relaxed any further. In addition, a housing bubble has led to an oversupply and hyped prices - likely to collapse in 2007. Meanwhile, the U.S. continues to believe it can solve one world-wide problem itself (the energy shortage), and ignore another (global warming). An intelligent discourse with some good points. Summary: |
| Watchdogs of Democracy?: The Waning Washington Press Corps and How It Has Failed the Public
Publisher: Scribner |
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| ISBN: 0743267818 List Price: $25.00 Amazon Price: $15.75 Usually ships in 24 hours |
Avg Cusomer Rating: 1 Reviews: Summary: She Epitomizes What Is Wrong With the Media Helen Thomas. Obnoxious, boring, definitely not the late Sarah McClendon, who by the way, skewered brilliantly both Democrats and Republicans with intelligence and wit. Thomas, on the other hand, is a nobody and boy is she biased. I'm not just talking about her virulent dislike of Republicans, I also talking about her own background as a Lebanese Christian from a martyred country. Whom does she favor? Why, the Syrians of course. The Israelis are the ultimate evil in Missy Thomas' eyes. So, dear defenders of a free and responsible media, how can you trust someone who is a traitor to her own people and a worthy spokesperson for Hizbullah? Set aside your anti-Bush animosity and take a close look at Helen Thomas and what she stands for - if anything. If Sarah McClendon wrote about the media, warts and all, she'd get three-five stars. Thomas is worth zero because that is her credibility. Summary: Helen hits a home run It is something to be known as the "dean of the White House press corps" and Helen Thomas, more than anyone else, has been there and seen it all over a career that has lasted for decades. Now it is her turn to tell it all, and she does with dead-on accuracy. She's earned it. Covering every president since JFK, Helen describes each one and the press secretaries with whom she has had to deal. Mincing no words, she reserves some of her harshest judgment for those in the press who fell asleep at the wheel after 9/11. For those of us who wondered who was asking the tough questions, Helen Thomas answers it....they weren't. While we know where the author stands with regard to the current administration she fleshes out her feelings about why this Washington crowd is the worst in years. She spends some time toward the end of the book reflecting on journalists she admires and I was glad to see her include an acquaintance of mine, Pauline Frederick, whose job covering the United Nations was exemplary. Helen had other favorites, too.....Mary McGrory, Scotty Reston and Walter Cronkite, to name just a few others. What is so good about "Watchdogs of Democracy?" is that is not just a collection of remembrances. Helen Thomas also paints a bleak future for "serious" journalism as we now have FOX News passing off as the real thing and a decline in the amount of time news organizations devote to non-entertainment news. Helen Thomas has had a remarkable career and "Watchdogs of Democracy?" is a terrific journalistic addition for those of us who remember the days of the men and women she covered and wonder about the direction of journalism in the twenty-first century. I highly recommend her book for its wisdom and insight. Summary: The Rage of an Old Lady...Signifying Nothing!! Helen Thomas is an embarrasment. Plain and simple. She is no national treasure. She is no pillar of the press. She is however, a symbol of what the White House Press Corps has become...a drumbeat for the Left, a wing of the DNC and an irrelevancy in the journalistic history of the Republic. Their bias against the current administration is so great that they have lost credibility with main stream America. For far too many years, Ms. Thomas considered herself the pom pom girl of the press corps. At eighty-six and relegated to the back of the room and mostly ignored she has raised the only voice she has left to once more vilify Bush and castigate the other members of the press corps for not being even more outrageous than they already are. The Lefties here apparently love the book. Let them waste their money on it. Save yours. Summary: |
| Capitalism and Freedom: Fortieth Anniversary Edition
Publisher: University Of Chicago Press |
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| ISBN: 0226264211 List Price: $13.00 Amazon Price: $13.00 Usually ships in 24 hours |
Avg Cusomer Rating: 4 Reviews: Summary: Classic Liberalism at its best An all-time favorite of mine, Capitalism & Freedom creates a framework of classic liberalism and argues forcefully in favor of free-markets and decentralization over the expansion of government involvement in economic and social affairs. Friedman builds his argument from the ground up by identifying coercion as the State's distinguishing feature over all other societal organizations. From the (classic) liberal's perspective, this aspect shapes the relationship between citizen and government, and strictly limits the appropriateness of State involvement in society, particularly with regard to well-intentioned programs and policy. Friedman uses this foundation to build a case for limited government in economic matters, citing in particular the consequences of monetary and fiscal policy abuse. In an exceptionally apt comparison, Friedman argues that the same rationale that limits government interference with free speech should likewise apply to government interference in the economy: namely, that constraints be applied to monetary and fiscal policy to limit the potential for government to do harm in its pursuit of doing good. Friedman gives numerous examples in which government officials, exercising carte-blanche economic authority, have further aggravated economic crises by applying a case-by-case standardh to different economic scenarios. Having clearly laid out his political philosophy, Friedman builds his case for free-markets, detailing control measures intrinsic of a laissez-faire economy. From floating exchange rates to voucher-funded schooling, union contracts to charity, Friedman argues that the free-market harnesses the productive potential of millions of individuals and corporations, reconciling their preferences in a competitive process far more efficiently than any collective body. Throughout the book, Friedman debunks popular myths, disputes misunderstandings, and challenges the conventional wisdom prevalent among intellectuals and social elites of his day and ours. The book's only drawback is its age and somewhat antiquated writing style that would certainly make it difficult for some readers to fully understand (particularly those who are victims of public school "education"). Friedman references several examples that would have been more easily recognized in the 1960s, but will not be immediately familiar to younger readers. Still, this brilliant work presents the core principles of laissez-faire capitalism and classic liberalism in a relatively clear manner, and is a must-read for anyone studying the dynamics of free-markets and free societies. Summary: Outdated. Can better be understood as polemics with Galbraith This book probably should not be treated as "capitalist manifesto" a la Marx but more like an attempt to present a position opposite to famous Galbraith "The Affluent Society" (1958). Reading the book without reading Galbraith first creates an impression of cheap advocacy of capitalism and unrestricted market almost in best libertarian (anarcho-capitalist) style. But as a polemic with Galbraith vision of post-capitalism (post-industrial society) the book looks like an interesting historical document. In his book Galbraith stressed that to become successful, post-WWII America should invest heavily in infrastructure (highways, phone infrastructure, etc) as well as education using funds from general taxation and government intervention. At the same time he felt that the government power should be balanced against the power of capitalists using some countervailing forces (he mistakenly assumed that unions can play such a role). He also noted that large companies are actually exempted from competition on a national level because they are closely linked with the state and competition is limited to small companies (and most of their profits are expropriated by banks, landlords and state). In essence he argued that the USA society is no longer a capitalist society but some different dualistic social organization that combines elements of socialism (planning) for the largest firms and government (macroeconomics) with limited "free market" capitalism for small fish (microeconomics). Many argues that GM troubles proved that Galbraith was wrong. But if you look at GM problems it's clear that it was not national competitors who squeezed Detroit. Friedman definitly was the most intellectually astute opponent of Galbraith post-industrial society vision. He pointed out that the great virtue of the market is that it enables people who hate each other to cooperate economically. But most of the content of the book is detached from reality and looks like a draft of yet another utopia. Sometimes the level of radicalism of this advocate of "free market" suggests that he is closer to socialists (especially Trotskyites) then conservatives and from defender of "status quo" turned into promoter of a new and dangerous social utopia, a new economic messiah who preached that free market + fiat money used with a specific rule of money stock expansion (3-5% per year ) will save mankind. Freidman's libertarian-style absolutization of the market ("In Goldman Sacks we trust" using Galbraith catch phase) as well as advocacy of fiat money (he played a role in the USA unilateral withdrawal from gold standard) in a way makes Friedman's views very similar to Marxists (extremes meet), although his utopia proved to be definitly less costly for mankind. It's funny that the latest administration that proclaims "market, markets" and praise Friedman actually behaves more like "Military Keynesians" then "free market" advocates. The same was true for Reagan. Still it was during Reagan's years when conservatism had grown into more and more dangerously utopian social vision ready for dangerous experiments with society. Freidman's arguments that planning is unnecessary and that market forces have built-in checks and balances and can do wonders if they are freed from any and all government intervention can be understood seriously only in context of polemics with the representative of the opposite extreme views (statists). For readers in 2006 and especially European readers it's clear that Friedman's views of the market are anti-historic and "free market" described in the book never existed and probably will never exist in human history. Market never exists in vacuum and always is intrinsically connected and always experience significant level of control by the government (level greater then roles of an arbiter of disputes and the provider of the currency presuppose). The opposite is also true and market tend to influence government in many ways, especially dangerous if there are large national firms which depends by-and-large on government contracts (military industrial complex). Some proposed in his book "solutions" like eliminating medical profession licensing in the name of free market are pretty bizarre. It looks like the main problem with Friedman's book is that unlike Galbraith he did not understand the importance of balancing government power with the freedom for market forces. Extreme positions that proclaim advantage of a single social force always look extremely dangerous. For example if everything is just a "free market" why buying politicians should be prohibited ? Is not this a discrimination against free market? (the same question is applicable to judiciary). What about the danger of natural creation of heredary elite by market forces and resulting "natural" conversion of parliamentary democracy into oligarchy (like "Iron law of oligarchy" presuppose) ? Failing to address those problems makes his book mostly irrelevant for the reader in 2006, but still important as a historical document that criticized Galbraith views (it was Galbraith who coined the term "countervailing power".) Today we face the fundamental question: at which point "laissez-faire" capitalism/"unrestricted market" and associated with it corruption of government should be stopped (and some too hot and/or crooked practitioners probably jailed) and where and when unchecked state powers expansion should be stopped (preferably with similar type of punishment) to prevent sliding of society into also stagnant and completely corrupt version of "well developed socialism, Brezhnev's style." Society probably needs to deal with the market the way tennis players deal with tennis racket: if player holds it too tightly his game suffer, but is he/she holds it too loose he cannot play well either. In this respect "former socialist countries" were not so much socialist (the famous joke in the USSR was that any "capitalist" European country contains more communists then the whole USSR) but countries with too powerful and unbalanced by any other forces government. And it was probably the internally grown oligarchy and not initiated by Reagan arm race (" military keysianism") that eventually defeated communist party control of the state, the oligarchy the was naturally created by the state after WWII and consisted to a large extent of party members in high positions. They were direct beneficiaries of the system collapse that happened with blessing (and probably financial help) of those oligarchs under the weight of economic problems and siege of nationalist forces. In a way we can believe in the "theory of convergence": both unrestricted "free market forces" and unrestricted government control eventually lead to the rule of oligarchy. I am not an economist but it looks very strange that an avid advocate of "free market" is at the same time a proponent of demonetarization of gold and usage of fiat currencies. In this sense his Bank of Sweden Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel (often incorrectly called Nobel Prize in Economics) looks somewhat strange. With fiat currencies all businesses are hostages of the government. And the ability to switch money printing press to full speed any time the government finds convenient (usually to cover war expenses) provides an easy way of confiscation of wealth of people by government without any communist coup d'état. How stable is the world of fiat currencies remain to be seen. It should be noted that lately Freeman himself abandoned his "monetarist views" (and that makes chapter III, one of the central chapters of the book just a historical curiosity). But unfortunately Britain already serves as a guinea pig for his utopia. As for implementing his and other economic utopias I like the quote attributed to German Iron Canceller Otto von Bismarck about suggestion of one of German parliamentarians to implement socialism; I do not remember exact wording but it sounded like this: "OK let's do it, but let's first choose for this experiment a country, that we do not care about". Summary: Concise and easy to read In only 202 pages (who said professors can't boil things down to the essentials?) free market solutions are outlined to address some of our most serious problems. This is a win-win book. The ideas contained in it, if properly applied, could improve our economy and enhance our freedom at the same time. Summary: |
| The Challenge Of Democracy: Government In America
Publisher: Houghton Mifflin Company |
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| ISBN: 061837244X List Price: $112.36 Amazon Price: $112.36 Usually ships in 4 to 12 days |
Avg Cusomer Rating: 4 Reviews: Summary: An Easy Read I used this textbook for an Introduction to American Government class at college. Frankly, I found the book almost simplistic at points but it was always very clear and concise. I would definately recommend this text for anyone who is looking for a comprehensive, yet readable guide to US Gov. Plus, it is so often updated with new editions that it makes for vert relevant reading. Highly recommended. Summary: Great book despite hating government I have never read an entire textbook in my life. This was the first, and it actually kept my attention for the most part. At times it gets boring but hey its the basics of government you can't expect excitement all the time. There are plenty of examples of the various definitions given with very recent applications. Examples make it easier rather than just spitting out the definition and leaving the reader to interpret. I am an engineering major that needed a government class to graduate and I am glad this was the book I had b/c I hate government/history. Summary: |
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